Mr. Barzun begins his narrative with a brief section entitled "The West Torn Apart."  The divisive agent that he is referring to was, of course, the Protestant Reformation.  Appropriately, the author also calls the Reformation a revolution.  That is, a "violent transfer of power and property in the name of an idea" (3).  Other scholars (e.g., Thomas Carlyle) might add that the Reformation is a revolution in the sense that, like all revolutions, it is a movement that quickly escalates and assumes a life of its own and which will ultimately have consequences that no one had anticipated.
    When one considers the movement's precarious beginnings as well as the fact that the various Protestant sects were incapable of presenting a united front against the established church, it is rather surprising that the Reformation survived at all.  Yet, as Barzun notes, a number of factors contributed to the success of Protestantism, several of which had little or nothing to do with religion.  For one thing, a crude form of nationalism was at work.  It is no coincidence that the Reformation was strongest in northern Europe (especially in Germany).  By the sixteenth century, many German Catholics were disillusioned by the pervasive influence of "'those Italians'" upon the papacy (9).  Regardless of what Luther wanted, many doubtless saw the Reformation as an opportunity to acquire a German pope--a spiritual leader with whom they would have an affinity.
    Timing also played a role.  The Muslim Turks captured Constantinople in 1453.  From then on, they posed a significant threat in southeastern Europe.  By the early sixteenth century, the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V was too preoccupied with developments in the Balkans to be able to devote his full attention elsewhere.  He therefore lacked the time and resources necessary to crush the Protestant movement in its infancy (14).
    It is also true that a number of rulers and statesmen in Europe supported the Reformation for personal reasons.  The most notorious example is Henry VIII of England.  Earlier, he had been one of the more ardent supporters of the Roman church.  But, after twenty years of marriage to his former sister-in-law Catherine of Aragon (the widow of Henry's brother Arthur), he became convinced that his inability to produce a male heir was divine retribution for submitting to an incestuous relationship.  Catherine, however, was also the aunt of Charles V--again the Holy Roman Emperor and an important papal ally.  Besides, as king, Henry was expected to stand as a model for his subjects.  Under the circumstances, then, ecclesiastical permission for a divorce was out of the question.  It was for this reason that, in 1534, the king proclaimed the Act of Supremacy, a decree which made the monarch the head of the church in England.  Thus, the Anglican Church began because Henry wanted a divorce.
    On a smaller scale, Barzun notes that a number of "rowdies" and "cranks" supported the Reformation for diverse (and often foolish) reasons (7).  Indeed, it is even true that atheists supported the movement--not because they agreed with its principles, but because they saw it as one more weapon they could wield against the established church.
    In addition to all of these factors, though, Barzun mentions one other:  the advent of printing.  One reason that earlier attempts at reform (e.g., Wycliff and Huss) had foundered was that their proponents lacked a medium which might have enabled them to reach large audiences.  Consequently, these early movements always remained small and isolated.  While Luther's message was not entirely new, its transmission was.
    Although the Ninety-Five Theses were originally written in Latin, they were soon translated and copied for a wide readership.  Moreover, between 1517-1520, Luther's thirty publications sold over 300,000 copies (Eisenstein, 758).  It should also be noted that, unlike Catholic officials who emphasized strict obedience to the Bible and its interpretation by a recognized authority (i.e., a priest), Protestants actively encouraged the layman to study and to analyze the scriptures for himself.  Granted, many of these readers were scarcely literate, but their understanding of a text could be aided by elaborate (and often graphic) illustrations (Scribner, 794).  Thus, printers, engravers, and shrewd book peddlers soon realized that they had common interests with the Protestants.  The rapid spread of ideas through the medium of print cannot be
underestimated.
   But the printing press had other implications for the Reformation.  The spiritual authority of the priest was now challenged by that of the professional editor.  In addition, the appearance of the vernacular family Bible undermined the authority of the church by transforming the home into a place of worship, thus blurring the lines that separated clergy from laity (Eisenstein, 771-72).
    Finally, the advent of printing had one other effect.  Once theological issues were crystallized (and legitimized) by print, their implications could no longer be rationalized or ignored.  As one scholar has noted, there is a correlation between the "standardization on demonology" affected by print and the increase in witch burning in early modern Europe (Eisenstein, 775).  Surely, this is an example Barzun would cite when he states that "once literal biblicism had taken hold, all imaginable acts of cruelty, moral, social, and political, found their warrant somewhere in scripture" (19).

*Unless otherwise noted, all parenthetical documentation refers to the Barzun text.

500 Years of Printing:  A Collection of Articles on the History of Printing Since the Invention of Movable Type.  New York:  The Printing Anniversary Committee of the American Institute of Graphic Arts, 1940.

The Culture of Print:  Power and the Uses of Print in Early Modern Europe.  Ed. Roger Chartier.  Trans.  Lydia G. Cochrane.  Cambridge, Eng., Polity, 1989.

Eisenstein, Elizabeth L.  "The Advent of Printing and the Protestant Revolt:  A New Approach to the Disruption of Western Christendom."  758-92 in Interpretations of the Western World.  Compiled by John Haley.  Boston, Mass.:  Pearson Custom Pub., 2004.

Evans, R. J. W.  The Wechel Presses:  Humanism and Calvinism in Central Europe, 1572-1627.  Oxford, Eng.:  Past and Present Society, 1975.

Febvre, Lucien Paul Victor.  The Coming of the Book:  The Impact of Printing, 1450-1800.  Trans.  David Gerard.  New York:  Verso, 1990.

Fussel, Stephan.  Gutenberg and the Impact of Printing.  Trans.  Douglas Martin.  Burlington, VT:  Ashgate Pub., 2005.

Hirsch, Rudolf.  The Printed Word:  Its Impact and Diffusion (Primarily in the 15th-16th Centuries).  London:  Variorum Reprints, 1978.

Martin, Henri Jean.  The History and Power of Printing.  Trans.  Lydia G. Cochrane.  Chicago:  Univ. of Chicago Pr., 1994.

McLuhan, Marshall.  The Gutenberg Galaxy:  The Making of Typographic Man.  Toronto:  Univ. of Toronto Pr., 1962.

Printing the Written Word:  The Social History of Books, 1450-1520.  Ed.  Sandra Hindman.  Ithaca:  Cornell Univ. Pr., 1991.

Rober, Lyndal.  Witch Craze:  Terror and Fantasy in Baroque Germany.  New Haven:  Yale Univ. Pr., 2004.

Scribner, Robert W.  "Print and Propaganda in the German Reformation."  793-856 in Interpretations of the Western World.  Compiled by John Haley.  Boston, Mass.:  Pearson Custom Pub., 2004.

Small, Christopher.  The Printed Word:  An Instrument of Popularity.  Aberdeen:  Aberdeen Univ. Pr., 1982.
 
 

    Earlier, Barzun mentioned that there were a number of "rowdies" and "cranks" who supported the Reformation (7).  In this section, he develops that argument further.  Regrettably, one clear lesson of history is that humans have an atavistic penchant for destruction, and this impulse is only intensified when it can be rationalized or justified.  Consequently, mass assaults on "oppressive" institutions of authority are often quite savage.
    The numerous economic and physical demands imposed by the medieval church were extremely burdensome for the laity.  Even the most pious might find it difficult to give alms, to purchase votive candles, or to pay for special masses on a regular basis.  Less expensive but equally frustrating were the obligations of periodic confession, fast days, and religious processions on holidays (21).  One could scarcely imagine the effect these demands might have over an extended period of time.  Thus, while many people might have been wholly indifferent to Luther and his message, they were only too eager to join his crusade.
    Yet, Barzun also notes that a latent result of the revolution was the emergence of a new anxiety--an anxiety brought on by the loss of collective security and the psychological comfort of tradition.  "When faith loses its singleness, its central role in life fades away, and with it the feeling that comes from knowing one's view of the world universally shared.  When all around take fundamental ideas for granted, these must be the truth.  For most minds there is no comfort like it" (23).  Ironically, then, in their efforts to throw off one burden, the Protestants saddled themselves with another.
    And this new anxiety had consequences of its own.  "There is no 'legitimacy' in revolution; power belongs to whoever can seize it" (31).  By successfully challenging the church, Luther set a dangerous precedent.  Now, any act of rebellion could be justified by one's own authority.  If Luther could abolish the use of Latin, incense, and candles in service, then other Protestants could abandon the practice of infant baptism (Ozment, 330-31; Smith, 99).  Still others could smash church statues and stained-glass windows--instances of idolatry (26).  Some would deny the existence of the Trinity (31).  Indeed, some would even renounce their allegiance to temporal power (i.e., to rulers and laws).  Luther's own views on such matters were irrelevant.  Where (or how) does one draw the line?
    Of all these "second generation" reformers, the most influential has been John Calvin (1509-1564).  Still, in comparison with the Reformation's founder, he was the radical.  One of their more notable differences, for example, involved the Eucharist.
    Today, Catholics adhere to transubstantiation.  That is, the belief that the body and blood of Christ are corporally present in the sacrament.  During the mass, the priest blesses the host, and it undergoes a miraculous transformation.  Luther balked at such a notion.  The priest was just a man like any other.  How could a mere mortal have such extraordinary power?  He, therefore, opted for a more moderate view--consubstantiation.  According to this belief, the body and blood of Christ are still present in the host, but the transformation occurs on its own--entirely independent of any influence from the priest.  John Calvin would not even accept this view.  As far as he was concerned, the Eucharist was little more than an organic instrument which helped unite (certain) Christians with Christ (MacCulloch, 243).  Again, Luther never would have made such a claim.
    Another radical aspect of Calvin's theology is apparent in his position on the issue of predestination vs. free will.  If God is a perfect, omniscient being, then He knows everything (including what will happen in the future).  Consequently, everything that will happen has already been preordained by God.  But if that were true, then one must wonder how humans can be held accountable for their sins at the Day of Judgment, since, after all, they were only fulfilling God's divine plan.  Somehow, it does not seem fair.  For this reason, then, some theologians opt for free will.  They argue that, when people choose to sin, they make that choice on their own--independently of God's will, and, therefore, they can and should be punished for their sins at the Final Reckoning.  This doctrine, however, immediately raises another problem.  If people have free will, then God is no longer omniscient (i.e., perfect) because there is at least one aspect of human existence that He cannot predict or control.
    Luther denied that humans have free will, but he never acknowledged the implications.  Calvin did.  As an extreme advocate of predestination, he argued that, because God is a perfect being, He made His decision only once (since changing one's mind would be a sign of imperfection).  Thus, all who will be saved (i.e., the elect) were predestined to be saved before they had committed any deed of any sort (MacCulloch, 106).  The inescapable conclusion is that going to church, loving one's neighbor, and leading a pious and devout life have no bearing on one's salvation whatsoever.
    Finally, it has been suggested by some that Calvin's view had one other consequence.  "Predestination, by leaving the believer in doubt about his salvation, yet holding out the chance of grace, encourages him to act as if already an elect--sober, earnest, hardworking.  His moral code makes him calculating at every turn--the ideal man of business" (37).  In short, Protestantism (or at least Calvin's version of the religion) fostered the rise of capitalism.  For several valid reasons, Barzun disagrees with this assertion.  It should be noted, however, that he does not prove that the two movements were completely unrelated.  The church divestiture of property, a by-product of the Reformation, led to the emergence of more private estates, and these, in turn, caused people to take a greater interest in government and the economy.  Moreover, the Protestant emphasis on salvation through faith alone conveniently removed the old moral barriers toward self-aggrandizement (Jones, 256-58).  It would, therefore, be more accurate to say that, while Protestantism did not create capitalism, it was certainly an added incentive.

*Unless otherwise noted, all parenthetical documentation refers to the Barzun text.

Davies, Rupert E.  The Problem of Authority in the Continental Reformers:  A Study in Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin.  Westport, Ct.:  Hyperion Pr., 1979.

Elton, G. R.  Reformation Europe, 1517-1559.  From The History of Europe.  Ed. J. H. Plumb.  New York  Harper, 1963.

Foreman, Kenneth Joseph.  God's Will and Ours:  An Introduction to the Problem of Freedom, Foreordination and Faith.  Richmond:  Outlook Pub., 1954.

Gerrish, B. A.  Grace and Gratitude:  The Eucharistic Theology of John Calvin.  Minneapolis:  Fortress Pr., 1993.

Haack, S.  "On a Theological Argument for Fatalism."  Philosophical Quarterly 24 (Apr. 1974), 156-59.

Hebblethwaite, B. L.  "Some Reflections on Predestination, Providence and Divine Foreknowledge."  Religious Studies 15 (Dec. 1979), 433-48.

Helm, P.  "Omnipotence and Change."  Philosophy 51 (Oct. 1976), 454-61.

Jones, Norman.  "Capitalism."  256-58 in The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation.  Ed.  Hans J. Hillerbrand.  Vol. 1.  New York:  Oxford Univ. Pr., 1996.

Khamara, E. J.  "Eternity and Onmiscience."  Philosophical Quarterly 24 (July 1974), 204-19.

King, John B., Jr.  Predestination in Light of the Cross:  A Critical Exposition of Luther's Theology.  Vallecito, Calif.:  Chalcedon Foundation, 2003.

LaCroix, R. R.  "Omniprescience and Divine Determinism." Religious Studies 12 (Sept. 1976), 365-81.

MacCulloch, Diarmaid.  The Reformation:  A History.  New York:  Viking Pr., 2003.

Mackenzie, J. A. R.  "Reformed and Roman-Catholic Understandings of the Eucharist."  Journal of Ecumenical Studies 13 (Spr. 1976), 260-67.

Moloney, Raymond.  The Eucharist.  London:  G. Chapman, 1995.

Ozment, Steven.  The Age of Reform, 1250-1550:  An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe.  New Haven:  Yale Univ. Pr., 1980.

Rice, Richard.  God's Foreknowledge and Man's Free Will.  Minneapolis, Minn.:  Bethany House, 1985.

Sasse, Hermann.  This is My Body:  Luther's Contention for the Real Presence in the Sacrament of the Altar.  Minneapolis, Augsburg Pub. House, 1959.

Smith, Preserved.  The Age of the Reformation.  New York:  Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1920.

Steinmetz, D. C.  "Calvin and the Absolute Power of God." Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 18 (Spr. 1988), 65-79.

Steuer, A. D.  "Once More on the Free Will Defence."  Religious Studies 10 (Sept. 1974), 301-11.